Campaigns & Elections - August 2007 - (Page 56)

cover story “Fred wants to be in a position to act decisively; that is very difficult to do in the Senate.” —Marie Ragghianti the Senate Watergate Committee, a position that secured Thompson a place in history. During the Watergate hearings, Baker’s protégé asked presidential aide Alexander Butterfield a question credited with heralding Nixon’s demise: “Mr. Butterfield, are you aware of the installation of any listening devices in the Oval Office of the president?” “I was aware of listening devices, yes, sir,” came Butterfield’s shocking reply. However, White House tapes from that time reveal Thompson as a behind-the-scenes ally to Nixon—it was Thompson who let the president’s men know the Senate committee knew about the tapes. (Nixon, however, called Thompson “dumb as hell” and thought he would be outsmarted by the committee’s Democratic counsel.) Former Baker aide Tim Locke said Thompson was a “combination of your big, affable friend from home who had a bit of a star status” when they met in 1978. “He’s got a personality that is contagious,” said Locke, a Tennessee native who is now a Smith-Free Group lobbyist. “He’s quick with a quip.” Years later, Locke and Thompson were walking through the Capitol when three women asked Thompson if he would stop for a picture, Locke said. “He was flanked by the two women from back home and had his arms around them and they were just beaming.” The flash failed, flustering the picture taker. Thompson assured her it was all right to try again. “Take your time; I’m just fine in this position,” Thompson mischievously told them. Clearly, Thompson—who turns 65 this month—has the people skills to succeed in politics. His boosters coaxed him into a hunt for the GOP nomination—at press time, an official candidacy seems inevitable. And no one can question his star power; just a month after forming an exploratory committee, he was running third in most national polls of Republican voters. “One thing about Fred Thompson is he didn’t come out of the crib wanting to be president like some others,” Davis said. Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa, illustrated Davis point when he told reporters that he asked Thompson to attend a March fund raiser in Iowa—an invitation to the political holy land that anyone even thinking of seeking the presidency would leap at. But Thompson declined because of a scheduling conflict. Grassley’s story could also revive Thompson’s reputation for being a political dilettante. The lobbyist–actor left some Washington insiders with the impression that lawmaking bored him. His decision not to seek re-election in 2002 and his warp-speed return to Hollywood did nothing to dispel that notion. Locke said Thompson was an earnest elected official who grew impatient with the Senate’s slow pace. “I can’t fault a fellow for thinking there is a better way to accomplish what he wants to accomplish than sitting around until 11 at night for a ‘sense of the Senate’ resolution,” Locke said. Ragghianti recently told The Tennessean that Thompson finds the executive branch more inviting. “Fred would fit better in the presidency, really, than the Senate, because Fred is not a person who enjoys being one of 100,” the Nashville paper quoted her as saying. “Fred wants to be in a position to act decisively; that is very difficult to do in the Senate.” A fitting description of a man who’d rather be the coach than just another member of the team. Although Thompson is already facing criticism for not having a better-defined policy platform, Ingram and Lacy warned against dismissing him as a political lightweight. The now legendary gimmick from his ’94 race—the red pickup truck—was Thompson’s idea, according to Lacy. Thompson knew the traditional campaign model they followed until that spring was falling flat. When Thompson kicked off his campaign to finish thenVice President Al Gore’s unexpired Senate term, he courted GOP movers and shakers wearing the expensive suits customary for a 20-year lobbyist. After spending months trailing then-Rep. Jim Cooper, D-Tenn., Thompson ditched the ties and donned plaid shirts and jeans. He mothballed his Lincoln Continental and leased a red pickup truck. The truck, which was featured in his TV ads, quickly became the symbol of the “down home” Thompson who was well versed in diner and country kitchen culture. “It was like everything changed overnight once he got into the truck,” Lacy said. “He has unbelievable political instincts.” Ingram said every Thompson step toward a presidential campaign is counter-intuitive. “It’s not the way people have done it before. I think it’s absolutely genius but … he’s just following his instinct.” C&E 56 CAMPAIGNS & ELECTIONS 08.07

Table of Contents Feed for the Digital Edition of Campaigns & Elections - August 2007

Cover Contents Editor’s Note Ames Straw Poll Cavalcade; Last Candidate Standing; The New Dollar-A-Year Guy; Web Videos That Can Change the Election Across State Lines: Campaign News from Around the Country People and Organizations Movers and Shakers: Ten Questions for Matthew Taylor and Philip de Vellis Campaign Consultant Sign-Ups Reel Time Cover Story: Building Blocks From Madison Avenue to K Street Money Can’t Buy Votes Dick Cheney: Roll Model for Millions Ames: Still Weird, Still Important How to Do Tougher, Quicker Crisis Management Online Cause-Based SocNets Lure Issue Voters The Great Exaggeration Why Primetime TV is Alive and Well, Politically Speaking Buyer’s Guide Tips for Toeing the Fine Line Between Employment, Friendship Managing Your Friend’s Campaign? Think ‘Consigliore’ Off The Record

Campaigns & Elections - August 2007

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