Washington Monthly - September/October 2015 - 16
now saying that because it's clear (as Tsipras has long maintained) that Greece cannot repay all its loans, the IMF won't sign
off on any deal that doesn't include further debt relief. But the IMF was moving
in that direction anyway.
I do think, however, that Greece's resistance led to a substantial change in elite
world opinion. Back in the spring, when
I talked to friends-worldly, plugged-in,
liberal-leaning people-their attitude
was "Why can't those Greeks get their
house in order?" That was a fair reflection
of how the story was being covered in the
media, with most of the blame put on
Greece for its (quite real) fiscal profligacy and chicanery and the erratic behavior
of its negotiators. But over time, the coverage shifted. More and more stories emphasized the injustice of a German-led
austerity regime that had failed for five
years to work as advertised and was only
eviscerating average Greeks (and possibly driving the country into the arms of
Russia, which has dangled the possibility of aid).
Then, in July, Germany's finance minister, Wolfgang Schäuble, admitted publicly what he's long been saying privately: he wants Greece out of the euro. He
didn't get his way; France and Italy insisted Greece should be allowed to stay.
But the terms of the deal Schäuble finally got Tsipras to agree to were shockingly
severe; even Der Spiegel, Germany's biggest newsmagazine, labeled them "a catalog of horrors."
The deal is actually worse than the
press has portrayed it. The Greek economy has long been dominated by a few
dozen wealthy families, known as "the
oligarchs." They own the country's major
media outlets, control its politicians, and
support the stifling business regulations
that keep out competition and allow them
to dominate government contracting. The
oligarchs have long since moved much
of their money out of Greece. But when
the mandated privatizations begin, they
will likely use those funds-currently
safely ensconced in offshore or European
banks-to buy government assets at fire-
sale prices, thus increasing their grip on
the country.
In the aftermath of the deal, Germany's reputation has taken a well-deserved
beating, and the elite press has been filled
with speculation about whether this raw
display of German power might eventually lead other countries, like France and
Italy, who chafe under that power themselves, to leave the euro.
I lived in Germany for a year and am
fond of the country and its people. But
Tsipras made a point to me in his interview that, though it infuriates the German government, still holds true: "Back
in 1953, under the London Debt Agreement, America asked European countries,
including Greece, to agree to write off 60
percent of Germany's debts from World
War II and to put a moratorium on debt
repayments. That was accepted as a solution. What we are asking from Germany is
basically the same."
Paul Glastris is the editor in chief of the Washington Monthly.
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