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Working-Class Resident Advisors
often negate the role of power, culture, and labor in shaping social class (Hurst, 2012;
Stich & Freie, 2016). Here, we center working-class students, defined by parental
education and occupation (Hurst, 2010), to examine the impact of social class as positioned
within systems of classism. Research on working-class students has shown
that they experience a direct contrast between their home and postsecondary communities
(Armstrong & Hamilton, 2013; Hurst, 2010); they also experience a lower
sense of belonging and perceive a less welcoming environment than do their peers
(Bettencourt, 2021; Soria & Bultmann, 2014).
Social class is rarely discussed within higher education even as it is omnipresent
(Ardoin & martinez, 2019; Martin, 2015). In particular, residence halls can serve as
environments where social class is highly visible through students' various social and
work commitments and possessions such as electronics, wardrobe, and room furnishings
(Armstrong & Hamilton, 2013; Jack, 2019; Nguyen & Herron, 2021). Indeed,
the increasing push to add amenities and luxury dining to residence halls has emphasized
that students are consumers within higher education (Saunders, 2014) and
has re-iterated this stratification. These amenities appeal to middle- and upper-class
students who can prioritize such luxuries, but poor and working-class students in
higher education may not be able to afford them or may feel unwelcome in such
spaces (Armstrong & Hamilton, 2013; McClure et al., 2017). Research has shown
that social class can impact students' academic and social transition in the residence
halls (Inkelas et al., 2007; Schudde, 2016), where working-class students often face
pressure to assimilate to campus norms (Bettencourt, 2021; Hurst, 2010).
Issues of social class and classism impact both students who live in the residence
halls and those who work in the halls. Many higher education campuses offer a resident
advisor (RA) position, a leadership role primarily for undergraduate students who
offer programming, transitional support, and crisis and conflict response in exchange
for compensation (Blimling & Baumann, 2019). The financial package for RAs often
includes features such as a room in a residence hall, associated utilities, a meal plan,
and a stipend. With the combination of leadership and financial gain, it is perhaps
unsurprising that working-class students are well represented amongst resident advisors
(Stuber, 2011). These students are employees in the same space they call home,
navigating the racialized and classed on-campus environments (Foste, 2021) alongside
the residents they support. Additionally, they are expected to serve as leaders regarding
issues of social justice and inclusion due to the nature of their positions (Johnson &
Kang, 2006). As a result, working-class RAs are well positioned to examine the complex
and contradictory messages about social class that can impact the experiences and
success of working-class students.
While social class has been defined in a myriad of ways across higher education
scholarship-most notably through the designation of first-generation college
students and/or low-income students-these categorizations often negate
the role of power, culture, and labor in shaping social class.
72 The Journal of College and University Student Housing
Journal of College & University Student Housing Vol 49, No. 1
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