Theatre Design & Technology - Dec 1966 - 16

The effect of the shipwreck was considerably heightened
by De Loutherbourg's skillful use of sound effects. Pyne
credits him with the invention of a new art, the "picturesque of sound":
I can never forget the awful ImpreSSion that ...... as excited by his
tOe Loutherbourg 5) Ingenious contrivance to produce the e feCI
of the firing of a signal of distress, In his sea-storm. That

appalling sound, whIch he that had been exposed to the terrors
of a raging tempest could not listen to. even in this mimiC
scene, without being reminded of the heart-sickening answer,
which sympathetic danger had reluctantly poured forth from his
own loud gun ..a hoarse sound to the howling wind, that proclaimed, "I too, noly Heaven! need that succour I fain would
lend "
'
De Loutherbourg had tlled many schemes to effect this: but
none \"ere satis aClorv to hiS nice ear, until he caused a large
skin to be dressed Into parchment, which was fastened by
screwS to a circular frame. forming a vast tambourine; to thiS
was attached a compact sponge that went upon a whalebone
spring; WhiCh, struck with violence, gave the effect of a near
explOSion: a more gentle blow, that of a far·off gun; and the
reverberation of the sponge produced a marvellous imitation of
the echo from cloud to cloud, dying into silence. 1 9

The storm carried away the greater part of the applause."
And the Times for April 25 reports that "by a strange
error (the managers) had caused the tempest to be exhibited with so much accuracy that the performer could
scarcely be heard amid the confusion." 21
Such overwhelming displays of scenic "accuracy" were
to plague actors for many years to come, and Kean unwittingly was contributing to the death of a system of
producing Shakespeare which had persisted for more than
one hundred and fifty years in England and which had
nourished his own romantic but highly manneristic talent.
For Kean's production was a direct link between the early
experiments of De Loutherbourg and the naturalistic revolution at the end of the nineteenth century, which those
experiments had so strikingly anticipated, In the future,
as Lawrence observes, the demand for images of nature
on the stage would transform the theatre from a rhetorical
to a pictorial art.
FOOTNOTES

Even more impressive than De Loutherbourg's use of
sound was his use of light. Pyne's praise for the artist
here is coupled with his criticism of the conventional
system employed on the legitimate stage:

De Loutherbourg's silk·screen pivot is described by an eye·
witness, Henry Angelo, in his Reminiscences, London, 1928,
11,326·27.

2. For a discussion of some of De Loulherbourg's most celebrated
productions.

To illustrate the interesting scenes for thiS display of nature,
the ingenious projector had constructed his lights to throw their

power in front of the scenes; and this plan might be tried with
advantage for spectacles, and particular effects at least, on
the great stages of our magnificent theatres. The lamps on De
Loutherbourg's stage were above the proscenium, and hidden
from the audience, instead of being unnaturally placed as we
are accustomed to see them, by which the faces of the per·
formers are illuminated, like Michael Angelo's Satan, from the
regions below; thus throwing on their countenances a preternatural character, in defiance of all lheir well studied science
of facial passion and expression. What painter ever dreamt of
invening the order of nature so entirely as to light the human
countenance upwards] And why depan so strangely from truth
upon the stage? The expression would be increased tenfold
by lighting from above the proscenium.
Before the line of brilliant lamps, on the stage of the Eido·
phusikon, were slips of stained glass; yellow. red, green, purple, and blue: by the shifting of which, the painter could throw
a tint upon the scenery, compatible with the lime of day which
he represented, and by a single slip, or their combinations,
could produce a magical effect; thus giving a general hue of
cheerfulness, sublimity, or awfulness, subservient to the phe·
nomena of his scene. This too might be adopted on lhe regular stage. were the ingenious machinist of the scene-room to
set their wits to work; and at no vast expence (sic), since
the improvements of lighting with gas.2

a

see the following articles by the present writer:
"The Wonders of Derbyshire: A Spectacular Eighteenth·Century
Travelogue," Theatre Survey, II (19611. 54·66; "De Louther·
bourg and Captain Cook," Theatre Research, Vol. IV.
o. 3
(19611. pp. 195·211; "Topical Scenes for Pantomime," Educa·
tional Theatre Journal, Vol. XVII, No. 4 (December 19651.
pp. 289·300.

3. The dimensions of lhe stage for the Eidophusikon are taken
from the account of an eye-witness, William Henry Pyne in
Wine and Walnuts, London, 1823, I, 284.
4. Ibid., p. 281.
5. The Somerset House Gazette (824, ii, p. 8, 1 1) quoted by
Austin Dobson, At Prior House and Other Papers, p. 116.
Dobson's book is an excellent source for information about the
Eidophusikon.
6. March 1782.
7. My authority for many of the dates in this chapter is Dobson,
pp. 277-81.
8. March 14,1781.
9. European Magazine, March 17B2.
10. February 27 -March 1, 1782.
11. See Dobson, p. 279.
12. Vol. I, 284·86.
13. Ibid., 300·302.

Any discussion of De Loutherbourg's work might well
conclude with this eulogy from Pyne, The new realism
which the artist had achieved on his miniature stage was
the culmination of all the revolutionary trends which can
be observed in his earlier work. The Eidophusikon was,
in fact, the climax of De Loutherbourg's career. Although
he lived until 1812, he deserted the stage in 1786 to
devote his life to faith-healing and alchemy. On subsequent designers devolved the task of applying his techniques to the mounting of legitimate drama. De Loutherbourg's contemporaries shirked that task. While admiring
his "image of nature," they felt that it would be impractical and prohibitively expensive to produce similar
effects on the vaster scale required by Drury Lane and
Covent Garden.

14. March 12, 1782
15. Vol. I, 302-303.
16. Ibid., p. 302
17. Advertisement in the Morning Herald, February 10, 1786. From
the same Source we learn that in thiS third edition of the entertainment, no music was played during the scene changes. Instead, "the pauses ....(were) supplied with ENGLISH READINGS
and RECITALS, by Mr. CRESSWICK.

18. Vol.

I,

292-93;

298·99.

Dobson (p. 277) reminds us that

Wine and Walnuts was written thirty-seven years after the final

performance of the Eidophusikon. As a result, some of the deta,ls of Pyne s description may be open to question, although
the general outlme of his account has a strong ring of authority.
Perhaps, the published version was transcribed from notes taken
some years before.
19. Vol. I, 296·97; 298·99.

In 1820, however, Edmund Kean, who had seen a me- 20. Ibid., pp. 287·91.
chanical exhibition based on the Eidophusikon, insisted 21. Both quoted by George C. D. Odell In Shakespeare from Better·
ton to Irving, New York, 1920, II, 163. The playbill for Drury
that a tempest in the De Loutherbourg manner be introLane, April 27, 1820, includes the following announcement.
duced into the third act of his revival of King Lear,
"In Act III, A Land Storm, After the manner of Loutherbollrg's
Raymond in his Life of Elliston tells us "that the very
E,dophuslcon (sicl. DeSigned and executed by Mallnarl and
success of this scene was fatal to the fame of Kean. , .
Assistants (Anclrews, Hollogan, and W. Dixon)."

16

~

THEATRE DESIGN AND TECHNOLOGY



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