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TAN ET AL.
locations are inseparable, so we foreground intersectionality
as the theoretical foundation of our scholarship and
community contributions.
When compared to children with an incarcerated
father, children with an incarcerated mother or mother
figure are 2.5 times more likely to be incarcerated in
the future (Dallaire, 2007; Miller, 2017). Indigenous
mothers and mother figures who are in contact with the
criminal justice system experience high rates of physical
and sexual assault, which social support organizations
and agencies must take into account when planning and
providing services (Pollack, 1993; Wesley, 2012). For
example, many Indigenous women have been incarcerated
for reasons related to intimate partner violence,
which in some cases involves a mother or mother figure
protecting their child from violence (Ontario Women's
Justice Network, 2014).
For some, contemporary maternal incarceration recalls
the mother/mother figure-child separation experienced
during the Indian Residential School era. Breaking the
mother-child bond is associated with negative childhood
development outcomes, such as feelings of abandonment,
aggressiveness, depression, and shame, which
often develop into mental unwellness, self-medication,
suicidal feelings, guilt, anxiety, and shame (Miller, 2017).
In addition to being detached from the healing aspects
of culture and ceremony, the prison environment imposes
a loss of autonomy and social isolation (Benson, 2020;
Davis & Shaylor, 2020; Kendall et al., 2020). These
factors contribute to feelings of helplessness and hopelessness
(Archibald, 2010; Kendall et al., 2020). An
account from a previously incarcerated mother shares
that visitation with their children was uplifting until the
moment of departure, as this became another moment
of family separation (Archibald, 2010).
Barriers to Culturally Safe Supports
and Resources
There are limited culturally appropriate social supports
for Indigenous women who are involved with the criminal
justice system, so it is not surprising that there are
even fewer supports for Indigenous mothers and mother
figures, especially upon release. The transition between
prison and community can be turbulent, as in prison
there is a routine and controlled lifestyle, but outside of
prison there is uncertainty and precarity (Crier et al.,
2021).
Trying to support Indigenous women back into the
community is difficult. Issues related to obtaining housing
and employment can cause high levels of anxiety,
and this further impacts the health and well-being of
Indigenous women and mother figures (Barrett et al.,
2010; McLeod et al., 2020; Sheehan & Flynn, 2007).
Affordable housing with a culturally appropriate, emotionally
supportive, family-oriented environment is critical
for the success of previously incarcerated Indigenous
mothers and mother figures (Barrett et al., 2010; McLeod
et al., 2020; Public Inquiry Commission, 2019). With the
right culturally responsive supports in place for Indigenous
mothers and mother figures who experienced incarceration,
these would undoubtedly facilitate meaningful
and sustained reintegration and thrivance.
Within Indigenous worldviews, thrivance goes beyond
survivance (survival and resistance against colonialism)
and toward a state where individuals and communities
can also flourish through ways including cultural resurgence
and decolonizing approaches (Chew & Nicholas,
2021; Vizenor, 1994; Walters et al., 2019).
Mothers have identified a need for support with child
custody as they leave prison and reintegrate into the community
(Barrett et al., 2010; Flores, 2016; Flores et al.,
2017; McLeod et al., 2020). Indigenous mothers and
mother figures often desire to reunite with their children
and family; however, without adequate community-based
supports, some resort to illegalmeans; some shoplift to provide
the basic necessities of life for their families, and this
becomesameansofsurvival(McLeod et al., 2020; Walsh
et al., 2013). This stark reality highlights the need for resources,
programs, and supports that are conducive to
the fundamental healing and help required by Indigenous
mothers and mother figures to ''get back on their
feet''-physically, emotionally, and financially.
One of the most widespread challenges for Indigenous
mothers and mother figures is the inability to find safe
and affordable housing, often caused by the realities ofpoverty,
job insecurity, unaddressed health concerns, and the
lack of accessible, culturally safe wraparound services
(Martin & Walia, 2019; Monchalin, 2016; National
Inquiry, 2019b; Public Inquiry Commission, 2019). When
housing is secured, subsequent challenges related to unemployment,
health care, and navigating systems including
child welfare and health care persist (Walsh et al., 2013).
Mothers endure threats and fear as they are expected
to meet the housing requirements (e.g., size) outlined
by child welfare services to prevent child apprehension
(Martin & Walia, 2019; National Inquiry, 2019a,
2019b). Support options are limited by mistrust of social
services (child welfare systems and children's aid societies)
as a result of the effects of government policies
aimed at destroying Indigenous Peoples and, in particular,
mothers and mother figures (Wesley, 2012). The
Sixties Scoop and the ongoing Millennial Scoop are
just two widely known systemic child apprehension
systems employed by federal, provincial, and territorial
governments in Canada that continue to pressure Indigenous
Peoples to not engage with services that are
perceived to assist family cohesion.
These challenges are exacerbated as a result of the
interplay among systemic racism, gender-based violence,
and stigma related to incarceration.
Journal of Correctional Health Care - April 2023

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