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monger, a suck-up to superiors, and a tyrant to subordinates-his genius and wit matched only by his underhandedness. Hitchens's The Trial of Henry Kissinger is the most entertaining such book, but unbecoming portraits also appear in prominent works by Seymour Hersh, Robert Dallek, Margaret MacMillan, and, most recently, Greg Grandin, whose Kissinger's Shadow just arrived in August. Woody Allen had his say in the mockumentary Men of Crisis: The Harvey Wallinger Story, and so did the novelist Joseph Heller, who described Kissinger as "an odious shlump who made war gladly." Kissinger's leading biographer, Walter Isaacson, was less hostile but still cutting, summing up Kissinger as "a bril- became a conspicuous butt of jokes in the casually prejudiced Nixon White House: the professor with the curly hair and the funny accent. Yet it is worth pointing out that Kissinger's two most ferocious mainstream critics, Hitchens and Hersh, were themselves Jewish. More than that, it feels manipulative to play on our sympathies for a man who famously has so little sympathy for others. The subtitle of this volume gives some indication of what Ferguson is missing in his psychoanalysis of Kissinger's critics: The Idealist. The author's revisionist thesis is that Kissinger was not in fact a realist, as he is so frequently portrayed. Hence Ferguson provides lofty epigrams from his subject to begin his chapters, such as this one: "It is true that ours is an attempt to exhibit Western values, but less by what we say than by what we do." He shows us Kissinger moralizing against the use of "small countries as pawns" in the game of global strategy. Ferguson even quotes Kissinger privately scolding the Kennedy administration (those "unscrupulous pragmatists") for tacitly authorizing the assassination of South Vietnam's Ngo Dinh Diem: " The honor and the moral standing of the United States require that a relationship exists between ends and means.... Our historical role has been to identify ourselves with the ideals and deepest hopes of mankind." Horseshit. By reproducing these quotations with a straight face, Ferguson has made himself a hypocrite's bullhorn. The ideals and deepest hopes of mankind? Kissinger and Nixon bombed Cambodia to pieces in a secret four-year campaign that annihilated some 100,000 civilians. "Anything that flies, on anything that moves," were the parameters Kissinger gave to Alexander Haig. He countered African liberation movements by embracing the white supremacists of Rhodesia and South Africa, a policy known as the "Tar Baby option." Kissinger facilitated the overthrow of the Henry Kissinger is entitled to a defense, but outfitting him in the white robes of idealism is not the way to go about it. He and Nixon bombed Cambodia to pieces in a secret four-year campaign that annihilated some 100,000 civilians. "Anything that flies, on anything that moves," were the parameters Kissinger gave to Alexander Haig. liant conceptualizer" who was "slightly conspiratorial in outlook." He "could feel the connections [between far-flung events] the way a spider senses twitches in its web." What drives this animosity-especially toward a man who used to be widely admired? Ferguson has several theories. Perhaps it is envy. Kissinger coined many bon mots and had a way with women; the haters may simply be jealous. Another possibility is that the many witnesses against Kissinger had axes to grind-although this begs the question whether Kissinger's own behavior invited the axes. Ferguson also perceives anti-Semitism at work. There is somewhat more substance to this charge. Kissinger's family fled Nazi Germany for the United States in 1938, and he 118 September/October 2015 governments of Chile and Argentina by right-wing generals, and then worked tirelessly to deflect criticism of the new governments' torture and murder. A declassified memorandum of his meeting with Augusto Pinochet in 1976 shows Kissinger in a particularly unflattering light: "We welcomed the overthrow of the Communist-inclined government here. We are not out to weaken your position." In 1975 Kissinger and President Ford met with Indonesian strongman Suharto and authorized him to invade East Timor, which he promptly did the following day; another 100,000 lost their lives. "It is important that whatever you do succeeds quickly," Kissinger advised. Henry Kissinger is entitled to a defense, but outfitting him in the white robes of idealism is not the way to go about it. Tellingly, at several points in the narrative Ferguson strays from his thesis and defends Kissinger on more utilitarian grounds: the Cold War was real, its outcome was uncertain, and the United States needed every ugly advantage it could find on the geostrategic battlefield. The crimes of communist regimes vastly dwarfed Kissinger's in scope and scale, Ferguson writes. That is fine as far as it goes, but when Ferguson takes this line further, the reader begins to squirm: [A]rguments that focus on loss of life in strategically marginal countries- and there is no other way of describing Argentina, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Chile, Cyprus, and East Timor-must be tested against this question: how, in each case, would an alternative decision have affected U.S. relations with strategically important countries like the Soviet Union, China, and the major Western European powers? It is a fair question, if callously put. Having set the terms of debate, Ferguson is now on the hook for his next volume to weigh the strategic implications of Kissinger's most barbaric foreign policies once he assumed power. Ferguson must explore the impact that reining in Suharto rather than stepping aside might have had on the U.S.-Indonesia alliance, and on broader Cold War dynamics. He must analyze what would have become of Chile and Latin America more broadly had the United

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