Washington Monthly - September/October 2015 - 14
five U.S. ambassadors were murdered by
militants and terrorists in places like Lebanon, Guatemala, and the Sudan. None of
those losses, which occurred under presidents of both parties, was seen by the public or in Washington as a grievous insult to
America generally, or through a partisan
filter, or as evidence of systematic failure
by the U.S. government requiring root-tobranch investigations with presumptions
of perfidy at the top. Rather, they were
treated the same way Chris Stevens's murder (the first of a U.S. ambassador since
1979) should be seen: as brave diplomats
killed in the line of duty.
The third effect of the hostage crisis was
to make politicians and the State Department so paranoid about security that they
turned U.S. embassies into fortresses and
put tight restrictions on the movement of
staff. This has certainly saved American
lives. But it's also made it much harder for
our diplomats to do
their jobs-a point
t hat t he foreig n
We need more Chris Stevenses
correspondent and
in our diplomatic corps. The
former Washington
Monthly
editor RobRepublicans in Congress, by
ert Worth made in
obsessing over Benghazi, are
the New York Times
Magazine
in 2012. As
doing everything they can to
a foreign corresponmake sure we have fewer.
dent myself in the
mid-1990s I remember senior U.S. forTo understand that, I think you have to eign service officers expressing envy at
go back to the 1979 Iranian hostage crisis. my ability to travel to wherever the acThose who lived through that era can re- tion was and interview people-an absolutely vital way of learning what's hapcall not just the nail-biting drama of those
pening on the ground that they could no
444 days but also the sense of national
longer do without heavy security, or, in
effrontery-Ted Koppel's famous nightly
ABC News show about the crisis was tell- many cases, at all. A reporter friend of
mine in Sarajevo in 1995 who later served
ingly entitled America Held Hostage.
The hostage crisis had three lasting ef- as a USAID officer in Pakistan used to
fects. First, because it happened on Jimmy complain to me that he felt like a prisonCarter's watch, in the midst of a presiden- er in the embassy in Islamabad, unable,
tial race, and ended at the very moment really, to do his job effectively.
Ambassadors make the calls on diploRonald Reagan was sworn into office, the
matic security matters in their domains,
crisis validated Republicans' inner sense
so they have more leeway to decide where,
that they and only they could be trusted to
protect America's security. Second, the cri- when, and how they travel. But the pressis turned the general subject of the safety sure on them from their staffs and Washof U.S. diplomats into a political and ideo- ington not to take chances is intense.
Chris Stevens famously pushed back
logical issue in a way it never had been. In
the eleven years prior to the hostage crisis, against that pressure in 2011 when, as
Republicans posing more than 160 questions about Blumenthal's relationship and
communications with the Clintons, more
than fifty about the Clinton Foundation,
and only four about security in Benghazi.
The committee looks also to be the source
behind the New York Times' catastrophically inaccurate front-page story in July
alleging a criminal referral to the Department of Justice about Clinton and her
emails. The committee's leader, Republican Representative Trey Gowdy, has said
that the committee's report won't be completed until (surprise, surprise) 2016, in
the middle of the presidential race. In the
rich history of Washington scandal mongering, we have seen few investigations
more cynical and nihilistic than this one.
Still, I don't think naked political expediency sufficiently explains the bottomless well of outrage that Benghazi has
stirred up among base Republican voters.
14
September/October 2015
U.S. envoy to Libya, he was the U.S. government's main interlocutor to the rebels who ultimately overthrew Moammar
Ghadhafi. Stevens, who spoke the Libyan
dialect of Arabic, lived openly in Benghazi
with minimal security. His actions during
that period became legendary among U.S.
diplomats. It was an act of patriotic bravery, repeated a year late when, as ambassador, he returned to Benghazi, knowing
as well as anyone the poor security situation there. We need more Chris Stevenses
in our diplomatic corps. The Republicans
in Congress are doing everything they can
to make sure we have fewer, even if that
isn't their intention.
K-12's coming fiscal cliff
When our son, the second of our two kids,
graduated from high school this past June,
my wife and I realized that he wasn't the
only one making a transition. For us, two
decades of intense involvement with the
public school system was abruptly ending.
No more dropping kids off at school every
morning (my job). No more volunteering
in the library (her job). No more parentteacher conferences, football games, talent shows, art fairs, and spring fund-raisers with moon bounces. From now on, the
only time we are likely to set foot in a public school is to vote.
My wife and I are later-stage Baby
Boomers, born in 1958, near the generation's peak birth year. So our various life
milestones tend to have oversized ramifications. In this case, the ramification to
worry about is that as our kids leave the
nest and we move toward retirement, our
generation's support for the public schools
will decline.
That's certainly the historic pattern.
Numerous studies show that as the proportion of the older people in a community increases, support for school bond issues and per-pupil spending decline. This
is especially true among whites when the
percentage of nonwhite students entering
the schools grows, which is exactly what's
happening now.
Combine that with the fact that my lateboomer generation's children are Millennials, who came of age in the ravaged post-
Great Recession economy and are delaying
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