Washington Monthly - September/October 2015 - 17
TEN
MILES
SQUARE
"... such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) ... [shal l ] become the Seat of the Government of the United States"
the constitution of the united states
Can Gay Wedlock
Break Political Gridlock?:
A Debate
icy interventions that will provide more
economic opportunity to families, including children, their parents, and their
potential parents. These interventions
could involve employment and wage programs, universal health care coverage,
quality pre-K, college tuition assistance,
and incarceration reform.
By Jared Bernstein, with a reply by David Blankenhorn, William Galston,
Jonathan Rauch, and Barbara Dafoe Whitehead
T
I
n the divisive, partisan political debates
in D.C., the term "grand bargain" refers to a deal in which each side gives up a
dearly held position to get what they want.
Democrats accept entitlement cuts, for example, while Republicans accept a tax hike.
In a recent article in these pages ("Can
Gay Wedlock Break Political Gridlock?,"
March/April/May 2015), David Blankenhorn, William Galston, Jonathan Rauch,
and Barbara Dafoe Whitehead suggested
that conservatives and progressives forge
such a grand bargain regarding marriage.
In this scenario, conservatives would accept same-sex marriage and progressives
would accept the compelling research
that married families are better for child
outcomes than single parents.
I found their reasoning and evidence
strong, and their case well argued. But
the bargain they offered was weak then
and it's even weaker now, since the Supreme Court has made same-sex mar-
riage allowable across the country. Certainly it would be better for a pluralistic
America if conservatives accepted gay
marriage-but, especially since younger
generations already do so, regardless of
their politics, I'm not sure it matters that
much. That train has left the station, with
Justice Kennedy at the controls. While
it's possible that future courts could reverse the decision, it's unlikely.
So I'm here to offer a stronger version
of a grand bargain. Progressives should
accept that there's a link between family structure and childhood outcomes.
(I'll go through the research below, as the
findings are more nuanced and open to
interpretation than this language makes
it sound.) But since it's no sacrifice for
conservatives to accept something that's
already solidly in place, here's their part
of the new grand bargain: in the interest
of promoting more lasting marriages and
stable families, they must accept the pol-
he role of family structure in poverty, inequality, and child outcomes
has been debated for decades, with progressives arguing that the increase in
single parenthood is driven by economic forces, and conservatives arguing that
prevailing cultural norms are to blame.
While all this has been going on-and
versions of this debate date back to the
English Poor Laws of the early 1600s-
researchers have been examining the impact that growing up outside of stable
marriages has on children's outcomes.
This now large body of research finds
considerable evidence that children who
grow up with two parents rather than one
achieve better adult outcomes, at least on
an "all-else-equal" basis (bad marriages,
for example, are bad for kids). Some of
this is also common sense: two incomes
are greater than one, and two caregivers
by definition have more time, arms, ears,
and so on than one. While the research
typically finds that family stability (that
is, consistency in family structure) is particularly important for kids' outcomes,
it's clear that married families are more
likely to be stable than unmarried ones.
Washington Monthly
17
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