Washington Monthly - September/October 2015 - 20
justice system wreaks on many of their
potential partners.
Many of us may well bemoan the decoupling of marriage and parenthood,
but the fact is that it has occurred largely as the result of a broad spate of choices and economic realities facing women. The ability of government to change
alleged attitudes about masculinity, to
push back on gender independence, or to
reconnect the fraying norm that children
should be born to married couples is almost surely severely constrained by the
limits of public policy. (To be fair, Wilcox
and many others who advocate this side
of the "grand bargain" believe that it is
the work of "civic, religious, and cultural" leaders and institutions, not government.) And even if policy could "put that
toothpaste back in the tube," at least one
dimension of this norm-our progress
on gender equality-is a clear positive.
The punchline of all this is, to the extent
that children in single-parent families
suffer from diminished educational and
economic opportunities available to both
their mothers and their mothers' potential partners, there is a rich policy agenda that should be brought to bear, and it
is here that the new grand bargain exists.
W
hen it comes to families, the best
way forward is to celebrate the
diversity of American family structure, including gay families, singleparent families, multigenerational families, stepfamilies, and so on. We must
strive for family stability and opportunity for kids in each of these family types,
which depends on policies that help their
parents as well. That implies far-reaching
policy changes, including in the realms of
criminal justice and incarceration, health
care, full employment, work supports,
housing, and educational access.
In fact, when gainful job opportunities
are robust, and work supports, notably
child care, wage subsidies, health coverage,
and an ample minimum wage, are in place,
single parents' earnings rise and their poverty rate falls. As the figure on page 18 reveals, the last time the U.S. economy was
at truly full employment, the employment
rates of less-educated single mothers shot
up, surpassing those of married moms. Of
20
September/October 2015
course, these were the years of work-based
welfare reform, targeted precisely at moving this population into work, but as best
we can tell, that's only part of the story,
explaining maybe a third of the increase.
We also had a minimum wage increase, a
significant increase in the Earned Income
Tax Credit (a wage subsidy for low-wage
workers), expanded child care subsidies,
and the tightest labor market in decades,
before or since. In fact, the figure shows
that as the economy tailed off, employment rates for married and single women,
including those without kids, all followed
the same downward trend (and, of course,
welfare reform was still in place in those
years, so it can't be the whole story).
We can argue culture all we want, but if
we really want to help mother-only families, especially in our current era, when
antipoverty policy is increasingly oriented around work, we've got to help them,
their children's fathers, and their potential future mates find good jobs with ample work supports. Other countries have
learned this lesson and have lower child
poverty rates among single-parent families than we have among married-parent
families in the United States. This suggests an agenda including full employment, earn-while-you-learn apprenticeship programs, robust wage subsidies,
universal health coverage, housing and
child care supports, quality pre-K, college affordability, and a fairer, less punitive criminal justice system.
With this agenda in place, some single
parents might well consider marriage and
some women who are considering an unmarried birth might reconsider. We don't
have a ton of data on this point, but it is
true that the unmarried birth rate flattened somewhat in the full-employment
1990s. And virtually every family sociologist who studies this issue argues that
better opportunities for potential marriage partners will make a positive difference in marriage rates, and, ultimately, in kids' well-being in both the short
and long term. Either way, with this
agenda in place we can be sure that families of all types and their kids would be
better off. That should be our primary
policy goal, and, at least to me, it sounds
like a pretty grand bargain.
David Blankenhorn,
William Galston,
Jonathan Rauch,
and Barbara Dafoe
Whitehead respond:
A
s lead authors of the report Marriage
Opportunity: The Moment for National Action, recently featured in these pages,
we're grateful to Jared Bernstein for his
thoughtful response and for his proposals aimed at continuing and deepening
the discussion. To most of what Bernstein
says, our response is: Amen, and Amen.
Bernstein says that gay marriage is a
done deal-"That train," he writes, "has
left the station." We agree. He says that
a large body of research suggests that
family structure matters and that stable, married-couple homes offer significant advantages to children. We agree.
Regarding the question of what's causing the weakening of family structure in
non-affluent America, he argues in some
detail that "cultural changes interact
with economic outcomes" in ways that
"cannot meaningfully be untangled." We
agree. He also insists that family structure effects inevitably overlap with-
cannot meaningfully be fully separated
from-neighborhood effects, incarceration effects, and other environmental influences. We agree.
In the best traditions of progressive
thought, he makes the case for policies
aimed at increasing income and enhancing economic security for less-well-off
Americans. He wants tight labor markets, wage subsidies, work supports such
as child care, health coverage, an ample
minimum wage, earn-while-you-learn
apprenticeship programs, quality preK, college affordability, and a fairer, less
punitive criminal justice system aimed
at moving us away from a regime of
mass incarceration.
On each of these proposals, of course,
the devil is likely to be in the details,
with conservatives and liberals bringing
different perspectives to bear on them.
Table of Contents for the Digital Edition of Washington Monthly - September/October 2015
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