Archaeology Magazine - October 1971 - 18

TEHUACAN
valley Continued
the population increased and new mechanisms of
social control developed which again changed
their social system.
Isn't the process of change in the Zagros of
Iraq from the time of Zawi Chemi or Karim
Shahir to Jarmo, so succinctly described by Braidwood, similar to what I have just speculated for
Tehuacan? There are also hints that in periods
from Piki to Ghihua and/or Cachi in highland
Peru a similar process may have evolved.
The next phase in Tehuacan, Purron, 2300 to
1500 b.c., is extremely poorly known, but barranca agriculture probably increased in the summer and spring to give surpluses that could be
eaten in the fall and winter. The only discernible
new aspect of their technology was the introduc-

Ajalpan Phase (1500 to 850 b.c.) with estimates of proportions of subsistence activities that were basically food
producing at all seasons (right column) and distribution
of semi-permanent sedentary hamlets or villages and
their seasonal microband and macroband camps for
planting and harvesting in the micro-environments of
the Tehuacan Velley, Mexico (left column).
314

tion of pottery. Only two cave floors were uncovered so there is little we can say about settlement patterns.
I he next cultural phase, Ajalpan, 1500 to 850
b.c., is better known. Foodstuffs from excavation
reveal that about 40% of their diet came from
agricultural produce, 31% from wild plants and
29% from meat. In terms of subsistence activities the year was now divided into two parts the "wet" spring-summer season when they still
did hunting and collecting but with the hamlets
as their base camps. In other words, they were
growing sufficient food in one season to last all
year and for this reason I refer to this system as
Subsistence Agricultural production rather than
effective food production.
Their technology also saw a shift with the
ceramic industry now of major importance with
ten monochrome pottery types and six or seven
figurine types being manufactured. The weaving
industry also changed with cotton string now being made by use of a spindle whorl and cloth
woven on a loom, while baskets and mats were
twilled. As well, various kinds of beads and pendants were made. New utilitarian types of ground
stone tools come to the fore. The chipped stone,
woodworking, leather and bone working industries changed but little, even though new types
occurred.
Burials now were placed in deep bell-shaped
pits and there is evidence of "cult" object ceremonies.
Settlement pattern studies of Ajalpan reveal
that there were now twelve hamlets, a single
macroband spring-summer occupation and a single microband summer occupation in caves. And
this pattern made up three or four separate communities aligned along the edge of waterways.
Thanks to intensive agriculture in the spring and
summer wet seasons in the barrancas or river
bottoms which gave a whole year's supply of food,
the residents were now sedentary, although occasional trips were still made out from their homes
for planting, harvesting, plant collection and
hunting. This community pattern which I have
classified as the Semi-permanent Hamlet type
represents the time when village life based on
subsistence food production began in the Tehuacan Valley. It also represents the first time that
population increased markedly, a major causative factor for cultural change in later periods.
The next phase, Santa Maria, 850 to 150 b.c.,

Archaeology Magazine - October 1971

Table of Contents for the Digital Edition of Archaeology Magazine - October 1971