Archaeology Magazine - November/December 1990 - 86

overnight, to contemplate the excavation of the site, easily; its function should not be limited to that of a deceitful invention intended to support an unfounded
which he now considered the location of Troy.
We now know that Schliemann had been exposed to claim to the discovery of Troy.
If one approaches the sum of information provided by
the Hissarlik theory of Troy through the Société de
géographie. To what extent it was at the forefront of Schliemann's letters and diaries, it soon becomes clear
Schliemann's thinking prior to his meeting C advert will, that the published autobiographies consist of facts woven
alas, remain forever unknown. While Schliemann was into a literary fabric in an attempt to make sense of the
surely influenced by Calvert in selecting Hissarlik, we bizarre chain of events that made up Schliemann's life.
An understanding of this process may be far more valunow know that Calvert could not have found a better
able to the understanding of Heinrich Schliemann's writlistener than Schliemann when he expressed his opinion
that Hissarlik was the site of Troy. Calvert's crucial im- ings than any corpus of ascertained facts. Here we enter
portance in guiding Schliemann to Troy must thus be the world of method and interpretation used both by
viewed from a new perspective. In 1868 Schliemann was readers and scholars of literature. Were Schliemann the
not so much making a sudden leap toward a dazzling
protagonist in a Thomas Mann novel, whose tortured
new future as an archaeologist, as ending a period of at characters he sometimes resembles, the tools of literary
least 13 years during which he had read Homer and pur- criticism would be used to come to terms with his failsued an interest in archaeology. After the
ings - to understand them and not simply shore them up against a set of estabdisappointing excavations at Bali Dag,
lished
moral judgments. Seen from this
Schliemann may have needed little persuasion, merely a pointer from Calvert
perspective, Schliemann's "dream of
Troy" is not simply a "romantic fabrica(whom Schliemann does, after all, mention" but the necessary keystone of his
tion prominently in his book Ithaca, the
life's
work- whether it did or did not
in
to
shift
his
and
order
Pebponnese, Troy)
attention to Hissarlik. Schliemann's 1868
happen, the "dream" eminently constitutes a fact in its own right and should
the
is
as
to
diary disappointingly vague
not be simply written off as mere ficevolution of his convictions regarding the
tion. Schliemann's "dream of Troy" is
location of Troy. He merely states, in an
focused
on one particular point, his
of
that
the
before
entry
August 16,
day
vow to his father to excavate Troy when
he had met Frank Calvert, "who behe grew up. This is especially imporlieves as I do that the Homeric Troad
tant when we consider the strained and
was nowhere else but at Hissarlik."
Traill considers this a self-deceptive ruse. Sophia Schliemannposed wearing quite traumatic relationship that he
had with his father, who was accused
Yet in light of more recent evidence we
jewelryfound at Troy.
must acknowledge the possibility that
publicly of adultery when Heinrich
Schliemann's diary may be perfectly authentic and that was a boy, much to the younger Schliemann's eternal
Schliemann may deserve more credit for stumbling onto shame. In this context, the whole "dream of Troy" can be
Hissarlik as the true site of Troy than it has been seen as something of a votive offering to expunge the
fashionable of late to give him. Above all, in recognition
family's dishonor and the keeping of a vow that, despite
of the gray areas involved here, as in so many questions the father's misdeeds, Schliemann would carry the famof scholarship, we should resist the temptation to come ily name forward just as Aeneas had carried his father
up with an either/or response to complicated questions Anchises from the burning city of Troy. The "dream"
such as this. There is surely enough credit to go around
symbolized Schliemann's commitment to family honor
and to archaeology, which became the purpose of his exfor bothCalvert and Schliemann.
Traill has cleverly suggested that a claim published by istence, and was not for him simply the hobby of a reCalvert in 1874 and 1875 that he had introduced Schlie- tired millionaire. This is literary imagery of the first
mann to the Hissarlik theory and the idea of excavating order. Here, texts and letters act as maps and guides
Troy impelled Schliemann to insert the "dream of Troy" which, with proper methodological and interpretational
into his autobiography, thus back-dating his interest in skills, biographers can mold into testimonies of a comTroy and Homer to his earliest childhood and so validat- plex and unpredictable genius living in a world seething
ing his claim to be the discoverer of Troy. Traill's logic is with ideas, emotion, and the excitement of living on the
hard to resist. Yet even if the "dream of Troy" as re- brink of a new age.
One hundred fourteen years ago, the world held its
counted by Schliemann is largely an invention, Traill's
deduction may be overly determinate. The "dream" was breath as Heinrich Schliemann uncovered the remains
surely a way for Schliemann to give literary expression of Mycenaean kings from behind their gold masks. Perto his very real interest in Homer, Greece, and antiquity haps now is the time for scholars to use the tools of histhat, as his letters and diaries indicate, were very much tory, psychology, and literary analysis to remove the
part of his life since childhood days. If so; the "dream" is masks that have for too long covered Schliemann - or
a literary device used to express a complex process that been imposed upon him by both his hagiographers and
would have exceeded Schliemann's ability to articulate detractors.
42 Archaeology

Archaeology Magazine - November/December 1990

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